whatsREEL

In 2019 after succeeding Peter O’Neil, Prime Minister James Marape’s declared a foreign policy shift from PNGs Traditional Partners (Australia, US and China) towards South East Asia. The new foreign policy approach was based on his vision as PNGs new leader to start a new beginning for the country. He stated after taking power in his speech at the Lowy Institute on the 25^th of July 2019 about his dream for PNG to become the richest Black Christian state in the world.

Now to be that richest state in the world seems implausible in a struggling economy with many challenges arising within. However, from what Marape mentioned during his speech is quite promising and speaks a great tone for a new Papua New Guinea.

On the other hand, the foreign policy shift might have been assumed by many to be just an approach with no proper documentation and can cause fragile partnerships with PNGs traditional partners. However, the new foreign policy shift will not affect or change PNGs relationships with its traditional partners. The primary focus of this piece centers around the PNG-Australia Partnership because the Marape foreign policy shift was built on carving PNG’s profound economic reliance on Australia.

The Merriam Webster Dictionary (2020) defines the term traditional as “following or conforming to tradition: adhering to past practices or established conventions.”  Marape stated in his speech “no bilateral relationship is more important than our relationship with Australia.”  PNGs relationship with Australia is rooted back in history where it was established under certain commonalities. The two states share a family like bond where Australia can be seen as the big brother and PNG to be the little brother in its obvious sense. Gedare (1994) argued that PNGs relationship with Australia is dependent because of the economic input (trade and investment), education and as the main source of skilled manpower recruitment pivotal. At some point, this is a classical scenario of what a big brother does to support the smaller one from enhancing growth. Since Independence, some studies (Gedare, 1994) and (Mitna, 2018) have argued evidently that Australia’s influence in PNG is dominant due to factors such as economic and foreign policy decision making. However, over the years the aid provided for by Australia has been continuously massive. According to the PNG High Commission in Canberra (n.d),

“PNG’s relations with Australia goes back to the colonial administration era from 1949 to its proclamation of political independence on 16 September 1975. Our geographical proximity, cultural connections and people-to-people links goes back to prehistorical times.’’

This is the fundamental core of the PNG-Australia partnership and why Australia has always been commonly referred to as a traditional partner.

Moreover, as stated above Marepes foreign policy shift has been argued to be just an approach rather than a strategy compared to Peter O’Neil’s policy (PNG Connect in a Globalized World). This debate puts weight on Marapes foreign policy not polishing any particularized written paper, simply as that. The sweet thing about this hitch pushes away any notion of PNG cutting free from Australia’s influence. Even so, it does supplement to the debate that PNG-Australia relationship stands affirm regardless of Marapes foreign policy shift. In Mitna (2018, p.1-2) when Bill Skates was Prime Minister in 1999, he secretly made a Diplomatic deal involving 2.3 billion US dollars aid, soft loans and investments in return for diplomatic recognition. Nevertheless, this deal never lasted when Sir Mekere Moruata succeeded Skates: after warnings from Australia claiming the deal to be not in line with Australia and PNG’s national interest. Does PNG and Australia have the same national interests? Why was Moruata so quick to not follow Skates unilateral decision? The answer to these questions is simple: because the PNG foreign policy was never good enough with no detailed documentation. Skates made a decision from his own reasons to construct that deal but was easily reversed by Moruata claiming the deals failure to follow the standard procedures for opening diplomatic relations with other countries, which have applied since independence (Mitna, 2018, p.2). Relatively, Marapes foreign policy shift towards South East Asia is a unilateral decision based on nothing being planned strategically. If Australia can sway away Skates secured deal than the foreign policy shift decision can be like a child’s English homework. Even though the whole idea behind the foreign shift was to attain economic independence from Australia but during the Pandemic Marapes government yet relied on Australia amid the Covid-19 pandemic. According to ABC News (May 20^th 2020) out of Australia’s $100m to assist the governments of struggling countries in the Pacific, PNG received $20.5m which was the largest amount. Additionally, the figure came on top of a $440m loan from Australia’s Federal Government in 2019. The repayment of the loan was put on hold allowing the aid budget which is the $20.5m to assist the Marape government. From the “big brother-small brother” perspective, PNG received more than the other Pacific countries: not only that but almost half a billion dollars loan was put on hold. It is interesting, Marape would have looked elsewhere for aid during the crisis but Australia barged in the door with the aid package like every big brother would always do when the small brother is in trouble or has caused one.

From a neo-classical realist perception, Australia understood the cause of the foreign policy shift. According to Ripsman.N. (2011) “Neoclassical realism is an approach to foreign policy analysis that seeks to understand international politics by taking into account the nature of the international system—the political environment within which states interact.” After taking Parliament Marape stated

“No relationship is stronger and more important than the PNG-Australia relationship,”

and the Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison telephoned him and said,

“Spoke to new PNG Prime Minister James Marape today to congratulate him and wish him well. PNG is Australia’s closest neighbour and our two countries have always had a special relationship. Looking forward to working closely with him on our many shared interests.”

The conversation between the two state leaders speak a massive volume pertaining any inconveniences that   may arise to hinder the PNG-Australia Partnership. Skates deal was cancelled because it was not in line with both states (Australia and PNG) national interest and Morrison similarly sated about having many shared interests. The political environment Marape is pursuing to interact in has been clearly taken into consideration by Australia. It is obvious Marape just wants to enhance the economy of the country by focusing more and Agriculture and make PNG the food basket of the region or make PNG the richest Black Christian nation on earth. Either way, whether Marape succeeds with his vision or vise-versa Australia will always be the big brother PNG will look up to in the future regardless of foreign policy challenges.

Furthermore, Marapes foeign policy shift can be assessed from the different levels of analysis in decision making. In the individual level of analysis Marape announced a foreign policy shift because of his vision for PNG as the Prime Minister. From a biblical point of view, many Christian’s perceive that he is a visionary leader and that he was chosen by God almighty to lead the country into another path. In his personal life Marape has had many achievements from his Seventh Day Church, higher education qualifications and 18 years of political experience leading up to becoming the 8^th Prime Minister of PNG. Relatively, he is born from one of the rural areas in his home province where agriculture is prominent. This could be the first reason for his major focus on Agriculture. Accordingly, political experience is the other factor where PNG has been relying too much from the international community with a few changes and massive amounts of depths being owed. Conversely, this is why Marape is pursuing economic independence in a way for PNG to look after itself. The last factor is the political environment where he has acted unilaterally to focus on other partners than either Australia or China.

More on, Newmann (n.d) state level analysis emphasizes that “the foreign policy behavior of every state is a cultural characteristic, defined by the historical legacy of the state, the religious or social traditions, or the economic and geographic nature of the state itself.”  The foreign policy shift is not about politics but focused on enhancing trade and investment for PNG. Historically, PNG has been dependent from other Australia and for this to change the PNGs focus on South East Asian countries will help the state to enhance its economic capabilities. Additionally, South East Asian Countries are also part of the Asia Pacific region. PNG will use topography as a geographical factor to pursue its idea from gaining economic independence and that is the cause of the focus on Agriculture. The Yegiora Files (2019) supports that “one topographic feature under landform that is mentioned in Marape’s proposed foreign policy vision that will help make PNG the richest black Christian nation is our many fertile valleys and plains. Marape talked about beef production in Ramu valley and the Western or Sepik plains.”

From the system level of analysis, the foreign the foreign policy shift can be viewed as PNG pursuing to grown economically in a globalizing world as mention by former Foreign Affairs Minister Rimbink Pato his ministerial statement, “In a rapidly changing, globalizing world, foreign policy has to be kept under constant review – so that new challenges and new opportunities are addressed in ways that protect and promote Papua New Guinea’s national interests, with due regard for other countries’ interests.” The decision to shift PNG’s foreign policy is because of the globalizing world the nation can be capable of handling challenges and opportunities brought forth if it is economically fit. For instance, PNG cannot receive loans from Australia to fight against the Covid-19 pandemic like it did in the future but PNG will be capable of handling such crisis when the state is economically capable. A change in the international system influences the behavior of states in foreign policy decision making. (Newmann, n.d)

All in all, the Marapes foreign policy shift will not affect PNGs relationship with traditional partners. China is another traditional partner that massively contributes to the economic developments of PNG. As stated by Marape, the PNG-China relationship will continue as long as it is free and fair. Marapes statement is from a Liberalist point of view. Newmann (n.d) argued that that Liberalism is about cooperation than rivalry: and that states don’t compete and worry about power. This is why we have the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation. Thus, once again, the Marape foreign policy shift will not affect ties with PNGs traditional partners.

References

ABC News (20^th May, 2020) Australia spends $100m in ‘quick financial support’ for Pacific countries hit by cyclone and pandemic. Retrieved from:

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-05-20/australia-financial-support-pacific-governments-cyclone-pandemic/12262328

Armbruster, S. (1^st June, 2019) New PNG PM flags foreign policy shift from ‘traditional partners’ to SE Asian neighbours. SBS News. Retrieved from:

https://www.sbs.com.au/news/new-png-pm-flags-foreign-policy-shift-from-traditional-partners-to-se-asian-neighbours

Gedare, D. (1994). Australia-Papua New Guinea relations, 1980-1990: independence and change (Master’s thesis, University of Wollongong, Australia). Retrieved from:

https://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/2213/

HIGH COMMISSION OF THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA (n.d) Relationship with Australia. Retrieved from:

Relationship with Australia

Lowy Institute (2019) Address by the Hon. James Marape Mp, Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea. Retrieved from:

https://www.lowyinstitute.org/publications/address-hon-james-marape-mp-prime-minister-papua-new-guinea

Mitna, P. (2018). Factors influencing Papua New Guinea’s foreign policy in the Twenty-First Century (Doctoral dissertation, The Australian National University). Retrieved from:

Click to access PhD%20Thesis%20-%20Philip%20Mitna%202019.pdf

Newmann, B. (n.d) A brief introduction to theories on international relations and foreign policy. Retrieved from:     

http://www.people.vcu.edu/~wnewmann/468theory.htm#:~:text=State%20level%20analysis%20examines%20the,t%20fight%20with%20other%20democracies.

Ripsman, M. N. (2011) Neoclassical realism. Retrieved from:

https://oxfordre.com/internationalstudies/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.001.0001/acrefore-978019084662636#:~:text=Neoclassical%20realism%20is%20an%20approach,environment%20within%20which%20states%20interact.

The Yegiora Files (2019) Marapes food basket diplomacy. Retrieved from:

https://theyegiorafiles.blogspot.com/2019/08/marapes-food-basket-diplomacy.html

Introduction

Papua New Guinea is a developing country which puts national security issues like sea or maritime piracy a huge concern for its citizens living along the coasts. The Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) covers areas of interest such as Bismark Sea, Solomon Sea, Gulf of Papua, Torres Straight and the maritime boarder with Solomon Islands were acts of piracy happen a lot. (Global Security.org 2020) Piracy is the term given to a crime that is committed at sea. Crime is defined as an illegal act where the offender can be punished by the government for violation of instituted laws (Merriam Webster Dictionary, 2020) On the other hand, according to Article 101 of the United Nations Convention of the Law of Seas (UNCLOS) sea piracy is defined as an illegal act committed at sea. The most common crimes committed at sea in PNG today include, armed robbery, killings, betel-nut smuggling, etc. There are many reported cases regarding vulnerable citizens along the coasts of Milne, Bay, Madang and Morobe Provinces vastly being affected by ongoing robberies at sea. Pirates intersect boats carrying passengers and cargo and rob them on gun point at sea. Cargos include money, betel-nut bags, accessories and foods just to name a few. However, robberies at sea using dinghies is one of the many illegal acts committed at sea. Others include, transnational crimes like, drug smuggling, human trafficking, money laundering and vandalism. All incidents of sea piracy will be discussed using Milne Bay, Morobe and Madang Province as case studies in the next chapter.

Case Studies: Milne Bay, Madang and Morobe Province

The people living in small villages along the coasts of these three provinces are heavily falling victims to sea pirates according to many news reports. According to the National (15th March, 2016), Chief Inspector Gerari Lincoln mentioned about the rise of sea piracy along the border of Morobe and Northern Province. Additionally, Gerari stated that the Northerners taking betel-nut to Lae were the victims of piracy from criminals who travel from Lae to rob them at sea. In a Post Courier report MP Charles Abel addressed a robbery incident that took place on the Misima Island in Milne Bay Province where a same group of sea pirates where involved. (Isaac Nicholas, January 10^th 2019) This means that sea piracy in the province is consistently caused by a same gang frequently. A Fijian missionary who was a victim reported that a gang of 10 masked man armed with guns and knives held up a small boat containing 13 passengers and stripped out the boat’s engine. The passengers were not killed because they had a child with them and luckily contacted for help with a phone that was kept hidden. They travelled for 2 to 3 hours before rescue came and the locals told the Fijian that they were lucky to be alive because incidents occur regularly. (RNZ News, 4^th April 2017) According to another National article report Madang PPC Supt Ben Neneo stated that, criminals used boats to escape after committing robberies and also elaborated on a case where youths between Karkar and Rambi where held up at sea by sea pirates. Furthermore, according to EMTV online (2017) criminals used escape using the sea after robing business houses in Mandag Town and being a maritime province had experiences of sea piracy frequently. In a Post Courier article Peter Guiness, the Northern command police chief assistance commissioner reported that during a sea piracy incident there was a hijacking of a boat between Karkar and Kubugum where three people went missing at sea and four of the responsible pirates were arrested by the police. (DWU journalism student, December 19^th 2019) Additionally in another Post Courier article Guiness elaborated that the attack left one person dead and four missing which were feared to be dead and other four swam to safety when they were rescued. Jerry Sefe & Georgina Korei, December 18^th 2019) Thus, this are only some of the cases of sea piracy attacks from a vast number which is believed to be unreported to the police. There are various factors that contribute to the incidents of sea piracy in PNG today which will be elaborated in the next chapter.

Factors contributing to Sea Piracy in PNG

1. Outside Influence

On the other hand, PNG has no history of such illegal acts committed at sea because in the past our people used the seas as trade routes. Sea Piracy is an issue that arose in 2008 according to Cameroon Mamadeni (2020) who is from Milne Bay Province. The main cause of sea piracy is because of the Western influence and globalization. The integration of the influence from the outside world with our developing economy contribute to sea piracy attacks in the coastal areas. In the past, our ancestors had no access to mobile phones, TV, weapons or basically the influence of media. Pirates are likely to develop their mindsets by watching a movie about sea piracy, for example Pirates of the Caribbean. It is more like they can attract their skills and techniques of attack from what they watch and the availability of good network coverage nationwide enables pirates to communicate and plan an attack from anywhere. For example, in light to one of the cases in Milne Bay province the Fijian who was part of an incident reported that the pirates had a good network. This means that a pirate from Alotau contacted his gang about the boat that was travelling and it was easier for the pirates to intercept the boat with 13 passengers quickly at sea.

2. Developing Economy

In PNG there are many people who are unemployed which leads them to take part in criminal activities where sea piracy happens to be one of them. According to the National, the high unemployment rate in PNG causes many crimes. Obviously, when people have no job, they are looking for means and ways to survive in a way to satisfy their needs and wants. In relation with the case studies, the pirates are usually aimed at stealing the cargos that passengers carry. Similarly, the people travelling along the Highlands and Okuk highways face many road blocks where criminals steal cargos such as money and other valuables on gun point. According to the National, Pirates from Lae travelled to Northern province because of the increased betel-nut trade. Thus, the pirates are committing sea piracy as an opportunity to make money. During an interview with a pirate from Madang he when asked about why they commit sea piracy, he generously answered, “sea piracy is our only way to make money since there are no police to intercept and arrest us. Sometimes we kill the people who try to retaliate because we make a living out of committing the act of piracy.”

3. Poor Maritime Security

The sea has no house, no people living in it and no crops growing on it but it is just a huge area of open water. The fact that there is less monitoring by police patrol boats and other authorities makes it simpler for pirates to attack. The Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of PNG is 5,153km of coastline and 2.7 million square kilometers which puts the area vulnerable to international arms and drug smuggling and piracy. In order to minimize such activities regular maritime surveillance to enforce regulations and intercept and arrest offenders are needed but are not effectively carried out by responsible governing bodies. (Global Security.org 2020) According to Charles Yapuni (August 24, 2016) the water police unit lacked resources in combating sea piracy. There was no funding to the police department from the NEC due to several constraints. As a result, act of piracy was reported to be mostly occurring in the seas of Alotau, Morobe, Mandag and other maritime provinces. (Charles Yapumi, August 24, 2016) In an interview with one of the police officers at Jomba police station, when asked about his views on sea piracy in Madang and the what the police are doing to combat this issue in the province? He replied, “We have the man power but we need logistics, our heads are not funding sea piracy operations and we do not have full conditioned police boats to chase offenders. The two police boats need maintenance and have broken down which makes it difficult for the police to combat sea piracy.” Thus, from many other news articles, the concern of boats needed by the police to carry out operations and patrols were stated. According to police officer interviewed he mentioned raise an important question, “Why should we risk our lives to chase offenders when we do not have proper logistics?” In regards, this can be the mindset that other police officers of other maritime provinces have which now puts acts of piracy to increase regularly in the coastal provinces of PNG. Pirates use the weak spots of the police as an advantage to commit sea piracy in Miline Bay, Madang, Morobe and other coastal provinces of PNG. There are laws, strategies and policies in place to combat sea piracy but proves to be ineffective. These will be discussed in the next chapter.

Governing Bodies and Maritime Laws/Policies

There are various government bodies that are responsible for combating sea piracy in PNG. They are the maritime institutions established under the umbrella of the Department Transport and Infrastructure. The National Maritime Service Authority (NMSA) is the government department responsible for the safety in the seas. It is the statutory body established by an Act of Parliament to carry out maritime safety needs of the general public, especially those in marginalized coastal areas, the maritime industry and their customers. (NMSA, 2020) In each of the maritime provinces in PNG a branch is established. All maritime laws established by NMSA is in line with the laws established by the IMO. The table below illustrates a link between international laws and PNG laws that can deal with sea piracy.

IMO Conventions	Related PNG laws
International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS), 1974, as amended	Merchant Shipping Act 1975 Merchant Shipping (Maritime Security) Regulation 2013 Merchant Shipping (Registration) Regulation 2015 Merchant Shipping (Safety) Regulation 2006
International Convention on Standards of Training, Certification and Watchkeeping for Seafarers (STCW) as amended, including the 1995 and 2010 Manila Amendments	Merchant Shipping (STCW) Regulations 2002

Additionally, the other national laws include the PNG maritime and merchant shipping legislations with their subsidiary regulations enacted under the umbrella of the IMO that are also applicable to crimes committed at sea. Below are some of these acts and regulations. The NMSA is the authoritative body to govern these legislations (NMSA, 2020)

1. National Maritime Safety Authority Act
2. Small Craft Act 2011
3. Protection of the Sea (Shipping Levy) Act 2003
4. Merchant Shipping (Navigational Aids Levy) Regulation 2014
5. National Maritime Safety (Regulatory Functions Levy) Regulation 2014

The PNG customs department is another governing body responsible to facilitate activities regarding sea piracy. It was established under Customs Act 1951. From the departments three core functions border and community protection is the first role of PNG customs in a way they prevent transnational crimes and ensure that supply chain security is effective. Since act of piracy is an offence conducted in the maritime industry the other governing bodies include the PNG Ports Corporation and Maritime Security Unit. These two institutions even though their roles and responsibilities are not related to dealing with sea piracy they are responsible bodies because they act in a way to ensure the safety of people in the maritime industry.

Thus, apart from the maritime institutions the PNG Defense and Police are the security departments of the country. In such manner, they are also responsible governing bodies that work collectively with the maritime institutions. These will be elaborated in the next chapter.

Strategies in place to combat sea piracy

The main strategy set in place to combat sea piracy is the Water Police. From the Police Department the water police unit is a special division established to work with the maritime governing bodies to mainly provide security. According to the police officer at Jomba Police station, water police is another division established to play the role as security guards of the seas and they work with the NMSA branch in Madang. The offenders if caught are charged using the maritime laws put in place by the NMSA. Madang and Morobe provinces have water police units established except Milne Bay. Deputy PM Steven Davis proposed to an establishment of naval base and water police in Milne Bay Province to combat transnational crime and sea piracy. The institutions were taken from the PNG Defense White Paper. Steven Davis who is also the Justice Minister and Attorney General was working with the Alotau MP Charles Abel, Milne Bay Administration and with support from Australia was looking forward to implementing the institutions. (Faiparik, 2020) In 2019 Acting Police Commissioner David Manning signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the NMSA. The deal contains the following tasks, roles and responsibilities. (Post Courier, October 9^th 2019)

Since the first signing of the SLA deal, trained water police units were to be deployed to Milne Bay Province. All the points stated above are assumed to be applied in the province as less literature and reports are available to prove implementation of the tasks of the SLA. According to the same Post Courier report (October 19^th, 2019), Manning only stated about the plans and purposes of what the Police and NMSA were planning to do after the agreement. Furthermore, Manning also stated about extending similar strategies to the other maritime provinces in PNG as well as working with other maritime institutions such as the PNG Customs, National Fisheries Authority and the PNG Ports Corporation.

 The other strategy is the anti-piracy coalition PNG sought for with Australia and the United States (US). According to Sky News (11^th January 2019) PNG requested Australia and the US to support its anti-piracy efforts through the set up of a joint coast guard or maritime police force. The response from was taken into consideration by the Australian Home Affairs Minister Peter Dutton (Sky News, 11^th January 2019). In light with the request, PNG has received four boats and a vessel from Australia for maritime security purposes. These boats were received by three different government departments; The PNG Defense Force, NMSA and PNG Customs. The Guardian class patrol boat was the first of four received by the PNG Defense. The boat will be used to do regular maritime surveillance to ensure maritime safety and preventing maritime crimes.  (NAVALTODAY.COM, 2020) The NMSA was delivered a rescue vessel to conduct is duly roles and responsibilities in the maritime industry. (Maritime, 2017) Moreover, Australia delivered three patrol boats to the PNG Customs to enhance maritime security. Additionally, the main purpose for the delivery these boats was to provide security during the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Meeting in 2018. Thus, PNG have these boats currently to strengthen the maritime security and enforce the maritime legislations.

Conclusion/ Discussions       

All in all, sea piracy is a security issue threatening human security in the maritime provinces in PNG. Most piracy cases reported are along the coasts of Milne Bay, Morobe and Madang Provinces. There are three main factors that leads to act of piracy in PNG:  Western influence, PNGs developing economy and poor security management. Event though the Western influence and the country’s developing state can be seen as devasting, act of piracy can be controlled by the responsible authorities. Yet, the issue is arising mainly because of poor security operations and management. The main responsible authority is the National Maritime Safety Authority (NMSA) who works closely with other governing bodies such as the Police, Defense force, PNG Customs, PNG Ports and other maritime institutions established under the Department of Infrastructure and Transport. There are maritime legislations established by the NMSA to enforce and regulate maritime safety but are ineffective. The water police division was specifically created to provide security at sea under a MOU with the NMSA but the operations are always hampered by a lack of logistics such as funds, fuels and boats. The government sought an anti-piracy coalition with Australia and the US which was effective in PNG receiving five boats and a vessel during the APEC Summit in 2018. These boats are not utilized by the governing bodies to strengthen maritime security and protect the lives of people at sea. The PNG DF received the Guardian class patrol boat which one of the four Australia planned to give. Thus, the problem is that, the boat is not patrolling the maritime zones regularly and it is just sitting somewhere decorating a wharf. Moreover, the NMSA received a high-powered vessel that can carry 6 passenger and two pilots which is enough for some water police officers and NMSA officers to use and safeguard the lives of people at sea by monitoring the hot spots of maritime crimes. Further, the PNG Customs received three boats which is more than enough to strengthen our maritime boarders but the boats are still sitting somewhere doing nothing. On top of all these, lack of logistics is the common problem deterring maritime operations. According to the police officer at Jomba, “We have the water police unit established in Madang and the man power to carry out the operations at sea we need logistics. The boats that the government received from Australia are just sitting there. The two police dinghies have broken down and need maintenance. We need funding and nothing has been done by the respective heads to look into the matter.” It is obvious that, the Police Commissioner, provincial MPs, district MPs and other stake holders are not working together or often just give sweet talks without implementing them. Consequently, in Madang many innocent lives are lost at sea, poor hardworking villagers being robbed and is still ongoing while the responsible stake holders are not doing anything at all. The similar scenario is happening is happening in Morobe Provice. For the case of Miline Bay Province there is no water police unit and in 2019 when Acting Police Commissioner David Manning Signed the MOU with the NMSA they proposed to set up one. Hence, the province has been going through so many piracy incidents and a few transnational crime cases. In contract with Madang and Morobe, acts of piracy in the province is quite advanced where pirates’ attacks are organized in a network. There was a case where some Asians in search for their drug boat went to a village and threatened the villagers. Perhaps, the Asians are working with the local pirates in smuggling drugs, weapons or people. The sea piracy cases in Milne Bay are more to linked with the outside community which is imposing a huge threat to human security along the coasts of the province.

Therefore, the following recommendations are directed to some stake holders in a way to mitigate sea piracy and protect the lives of people along the coasts of PNG.

Recommendations        

The first recommendation is directed to the Police Minister and Minster for Infrastructure and Transport.

1. Do evaluations and reviews after every 3 months to see if maritime legislations are enforced by governing bodies
2. Work with the MPs of the maritime provinces to establish a mutual understanding of maritime crimes and discuss strategies to address them.

The second recommendation is directed to the NMSA.

The last recommendation is directed to the people in the coastal provinces.

References

Faiparik, .C (January 27^th , 2020) Need for naval base in Miline Bay, The National, Retrieved from:       https://www.thenational.com.pg/need-for-naval-base-in-milne-bay/

Global Security.org (2020) Papua New Guinea-Maritime operations element. Retrieved from: 

https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/oceania/png-navy.htm

Korei, G. (December 19^th, 2019) Top stories. Pirates arrested in Madang. Post-Courier. Retrieved from:

Pirates arrested in Madang

Maritime, B. (2017) Papua New Guinea safety authority receives new rescue boat. Retrieved from:

https://www.bairdmaritime.com/work-boat-world/small-craft-world/search-and-rescue/papua- new-   guinea-safety-authority-receives-new-rescue-boat/

NAVALTODAY.COM (2020) Australian shipbuilder Austal has delivered the first Guardian-class patrol boat to the Papua New Guinea Defence Force. Retrieved from:

https://www.navaltoday.com/2018/11/30/papua-new-guinea-receives-first-guardian-class-             patrol-boat/

PNG Customs Service (2020) Who we are. Retrieved from:

Who we are

Post Courier (October 9^th, 2019) Police, NMSA sign marine security deal. Post Courier. Retrieved from:

Police, NMSA sign marine security deal

RNZ (4^th April, 2017) Network suspected to be behind pirate attacks. RNZ News. Retrieved from:

rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/328096/network-suspected-to-be-behind-png-pirate- attacks

Sefe, J & Korei, G. (December 18^th, 2019) Top stories. Sea piracy operations hampered by lack of resources, funds: Police. Post Courier. Retrieved from:

Sea piracy operations hampered by lack of resources, funds: Police

Sky News (11^th January, 2019) PNG calls for joint coast guard with Australia and US. Retrieved from:

https://www.skynews.com.au/details/_5988192992001

The Maritime Executive (2020) Australia donates port boats to PNG customs service. Retrieved from:  

https://www.maritime-executive.com/article/australia-donates-port- boats-to-png-customs-

            service

The National ( March 15^th , 2016) Sea piracy on the increase. The National. Article views. Retrieved from:  

Sea piracy on the increase

Yapumi, C. (August 24, 2016) No police boats to fight piracy in PNG waters, Loop News, Retrieved from:                                  

http://www.looppng.com/content/no-police-boats-fight-piracy-png-waters-atiyafa

Conclusion/ Discussions       

All in all, sea piracy is a security issue threatening human security in the maritime provinces in PNG. Most piracy cases reported are along the coasts of Milne Bay, Morobe and Madang Provinces. There are three main factors that leads to act of piracy in PNG:  Western influence, PNGs developing economy and poor security management. Event though the Western influence and the country’s developing state can be seen as devasting, act of piracy can be controlled by the responsible authorities. Yet, the issue is arising mainly because of poor security operations and management. The main responsible authority is the National Maritime Safety Authority (NMSA) who works closely with other governing bodies such as the Police, Defense force, PNG Customs, PNG Ports and other maritime institutions established under the Department of Infrastructure and Transport. There are maritime legislations established by the NMSA to enforce and regulate maritime safety but are ineffective. The water police division was specifically created to provide security at sea under a MOU with the NMSA but the operations are always hampered by a lack of logistics such as funds, fuels and boats. The government sought an anti-piracy coalition with Australia and the US which was effective in PNG receiving five boats and a vessel during the APEC Summit in 2018. These boats are not utilized by the governing bodies to strengthen maritime security and protect the lives of people at sea. The PNG DF received the Guardian class patrol boat which one of the four Australia planned to give. Thus, the problem is that, the boat is not patrolling the maritime zones regularly and it is just sitting somewhere decorating a wharf. Moreover, the NMSA received a high-powered vessel that can carry 6 passenger and two pilots which is enough for some water police officers and NMSA officers to use and safeguard the lives of people at sea by monitoring the hot spots of maritime crimes. Further, the PNG Customs received three boats which is more than enough to strengthen our maritime boarders but the boats are still sitting somewhere doing nothing. On top of all these, lack of logistics is the common problem deterring maritime operations. According to the police officer at Jomba, “We have the water police unit established in Madang and the man power to carry out the operations at sea we need logistics. The boats that the government received from Australia are just sitting there. The two police dinghies have broken down and need maintenance. We need funding and nothing has been done by the respective heads to look into the matter.” It is obvious that, the Police Commissioner, provincial MPs, district MPs and other stake holders are not working together or often just give sweet talks without implementing them. Consequently, in Madang many innocent lives are lost at sea, poor hardworking villagers being robbed and is still ongoing while the responsible stake holders are not doing anything at all. The similar scenario is happening is happening in Morobe Provice. For the case of Miline Bay Province there is no water police unit and in 2019 when Acting Police Commissioner David Manning Signed the MOU with the NMSA they proposed to set up one. Hence, the province has been going through so many piracy incidents and a few transnational crime cases. In contract with Madang and Morobe, acts of piracy in the province is quite advanced where pirates’ attacks are organized in a network. There was a case where some Asians in search for their drug boat went to a village and threatened the villagers. Perhaps, the Asians are working with the local pirates in smuggling drugs, weapons or people. The sea piracy cases in Milne Bay are more to linked with the outside community which is imposing a huge threat to human security along the coasts of the province.

Therefore, the following recommendations are directed to some stake holders in a way to mitigate sea piracy and protect the lives of people along the coasts of PNG.

Recommendations        

The first recommendation is directed to the Police Minister and Minster for Infrastructure and Transport.

• Do evaluations and reviews after every 3 months to see if maritime legislations are enforced by governing bodies
• Work with the MPs of the maritime provinces to establish a mutual understanding of maritime crimes and discuss strategies to address them.

The second recommendation is directed to the NMSA.

• Sign another MOU with the Defense force
• Regular maritime patrol using the Guardian class patrol boat we have right now, in the PNG seas.
• Impose death penalty to pirates.
• Each NMSA branch should work with the water police collectively to do regular monitoring of small crafts in the hot spots.

• Work with PNG Customs under a MOU agreement and other maritime institutions as well.

• Making sure logistics are provided by the departmental heads and other stake holders.

The last recommendation is directed to the people in the coastal provinces.

• Victims should file a complaint against the NMSA and other governing bodies for not performing their assigned roles.
• Community members should work together to deliver pirates to the water police.
• The people in the coasts should report all incidents of piracy to police to make this issue known as a serious one.

There are various government bodies that are responsible for combating sea piracy in PNG. They are the maritime institutions established under the umbrella of the Department Transport and Infrastructure. The National Maritime Service Authority (NMSA) is the government department responsible for the safety in the seas. It is the statutory body established by an Act of Parliament to carry out maritime safety needs of the general public, especially those in marginalized coastal areas, the maritime industry and their customers. (NMSA, 2020) In each of the maritime provinces in PNG a branch is established. All maritime laws established by NMSA is in line with the laws established by the IMO. The table below illustrates a link between international laws and PNG laws that can deal with sea piracy.

IMO Conventions	Related PNG laws
International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS), 1974, as amended	Merchant Shipping Act 1975 Merchant Shipping (Maritime Security) Regulation 2013 Merchant Shipping (Registration) Regulation 2015 Merchant Shipping (Safety) Regulation 2006
International Convention on Standards of Training, Certification and Watchkeeping for Seafarers (STCW) as amended, including the 1995 and 2010 Manila Amendments	Merchant Shipping (STCW) Regulations 2002

Additionally, the other national laws include the PNG maritime and merchant shipping legislations with their subsidiary regulations enacted under the umbrella of the IMO that are also applicable to crimes committed at sea. Below are some of these acts and regulations. The NMSA is the authoritative body to govern these legislations (NMSA, 2020)

1. National Maritime Safety Authority Act
2. Small Craft Act 2011
3. Protection of the Sea (Shipping Levy) Act 2003
4. Merchant Shipping (Navigational Aids Levy) Regulation 2014
5. National Maritime Safety (Regulatory Functions Levy) Regulation 2014

The PNG customs department is another governing body responsible to facilitate activities regarding sea piracy. It was established under Customs Act 1951. From the departments three core functions border and community protection is the first role of PNG customs in a way they prevent transnational crimes and ensure that supply chain security is effective. Since act of piracy is an offence conducted in the maritime industry the other governing bodies include the PNG Ports Corporation and Maritime Security Unit. These two institutions even though their roles and responsibilities are not related to dealing with sea piracy they are responsible bodies because they act in a way to ensure the safety of people in the maritime industry.

Thus, apart from the maritime institutions the PNG Defense and Police are the security departments of the country. In such manner, they are also responsible governing bodies that work collectively with the maritime institutions. These will be elaborated in the next chapter.

Strategies in place to combat sea piracy

The main strategy set in place to combat sea piracy is the Water Police. From the Police Department the water police unit is a special division established to work with the maritime governing bodies to mainly provide security. According to the police officer at Jomba Police station, water police is another division established to play the role as security guards of the seas and they work with the NMSA branch in Madang. The offenders if caught are charged using the maritime laws put in place by the NMSA. Madang and Morobe provinces have water police units established except Milne Bay. Deputy PM Steven Davis proposed to an establishment of naval base and water police in Milne Bay Province to combat transnational crime and sea piracy. The institutions were taken from the PNG Defense White Paper. Steven Davis who is also the Justice Minister and Attorney General was working with the Alotau MP Charles Abel, Milne Bay Administration and with support from Australia was looking forward to implementing the institutions. (Faiparik, 2020) In 2019 Acting Police Commissioner David Manning signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the NMSA. The deal contains the following tasks, roles and responsibilities. (Post Courier, October 9^th 2019)

1. “Search and rescues response and coordination in an effort to safe lives.”
2. “Enhance both departments abilities and the implementation of crime prevention and water safety strategies.”
3. “Committed to give PNG the best operations and productive police force.”
4. The service level agreements (SLA) will enable both agencies to work closely and share resources such as vessels, buildings and boat facilities.
5. “The SLA will create trained water police and assets.”
6. “Creation of interoperable teams to help both organizations in their specific duties and provision of an improved collective search and rescue feedback, and enforcing maritime legislations.”
7. “Provide security in dealing with maritime crimes, acts of piracy, and deliver community policing activities.”
8. “Combat offshore crime and enhance border security and maintain port facilities.”

Since the first signing of the SLA deal, trained water police units were to be deployed to Milne Bay Province. All the points stated above are assumed to be applied in the province as less literature and reports are available to prove implementation of the tasks of the SLA. According to the same Post Courier report (October 19^th, 2019), Manning only stated about the plans and purposes of what the Police and NMSA were planning to do after the agreement. Furthermore, Manning also stated about extending similar strategies to the other maritime provinces in PNG as well as working with other maritime institutions such as the PNG Customs, National Fisheries Authority and the PNG Ports Corporation.

 The other strategy is the anti-piracy coalition PNG sought for with Australia and the United States (US). According to Sky News (11^th January 2019) PNG requested Australia and the US to support its anti-piracy efforts through the set up of a joint coast guard or maritime police force. The response from was taken into consideration by the Australian Home Affairs Minister Peter Dutton (Sky News, 11^th January 2019). In light with the request, PNG has received four boats and a vessel from Australia for maritime security purposes. These boats were received by three different government departments; The PNG Defense Force, NMSA and PNG Customs. The Guardian class patrol boat was the first of four received by the PNG Defense. The boat will be used to do regular maritime surveillance to ensure maritime safety and preventing maritime crimes.  (NAVALTODAY.COM, 2020) The NMSA was delivered a rescue vessel to conduct is duly roles and responsibilities in the maritime industry. (Maritime, 2017) Moreover, Australia delivered three patrol boats to the PNG Customs to enhance maritime security. Additionally, the main purpose for the delivery these boats was to provide security during the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Meeting in 2018. Thus, PNG have these boats currently to strengthen the maritime security and enforce the maritime legislations.

Introduction

Papua New Guinea is a developing country which puts national security issues like sea or maritime piracy a huge concern for its citizens living along the coasts. The Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) covers areas of interest such as Bismark Sea, Solomon Sea, Gulf of Papua, Torres Straight and the maritime boarder with Solomon Islands were acts of piracy happen a lot. (Global Security.org 2020) Piracy is the term given to a crime that is committed at sea. Crime is defined as an illegal act where the offender can be punished by the government for violation of instituted laws (Merriam Webster Dictionary, 2020) On the other hand, according to Article 101 of the United Nations Convention of the Law of Seas (UNCLOS) sea piracy is defined as an illegal act committed at sea. The most common crimes committed at sea in PNG today include, armed robbery, killings, betel-nut smuggling, etc. There are many reported cases regarding vulnerable citizens along the coasts of Milne, Bay, Madang and Morobe Provinces vastly being affected by ongoing robberies at sea. Pirates intersect boats carrying passengers and cargo and rob them on gun point at sea. Cargos include money, betel-nut bags, accessories and foods just to name a few. However, robberies at sea using dinghies is one of the many illegal acts committed at sea. Others include, transnational crimes like, drug smuggling, human trafficking, money laundering and vandalism. All incidents of sea piracy will be discussed using Milne Bay, Morobe and Madang Province as case studies in the next chapter.

Case Studies: Milne Bay, Madang and Morobe Province

The people living in small villages along the coasts of these three provinces are heavily falling victims to sea pirates according to many news reports. According to the National (15th March, 2016), Chief Inspector Gerari Lincoln mentioned about the rise of sea piracy along the border of Morobe and Northern Province. Additionally, Gerari stated that the Northerners taking betel-nut to Lae were the victims of piracy from criminals who travel from Lae to rob them at sea. In a Post Courier report MP Charles Abel addressed a robbery incident that took place on the Misima Island in Milne Bay Province where a same group of sea pirates where involved. (Isaac Nicholas, January 10^th 2019) This means that sea piracy in the province is consistently caused by a same gang frequently. A Fijian missionary who was a victim reported that a gang of 10 masked man armed with guns and knives held up a small boat containing 13 passengers and stripped out the boat’s engine. The passengers were not killed because they had a child with them and luckily contacted for help with a phone that was kept hidden. They travelled for 2 to 3 hours before rescue came and the locals told the Fijian that they were lucky to be alive because incidents occur regularly. (RNZ News, 4^th April 2017) According to another National article report Madang PPC Supt Ben Neneo stated that, criminals used boats to escape after committing robberies and also elaborated on a case where youths between Karkar and Rambi where held up at sea by sea pirates. Furthermore, according to EMTV online (2017) criminals used escape using the sea after robing business houses in Mandag Town and being a maritime province had experiences of sea piracy frequently. In a Post Courier article Peter Guiness the Nothern command police chief assistance commissioner reported that during a sea piracy incident there was a hijacking of a boat between Karkar and Kubugum where three people went missing at sea and four of the responsible pirates were arrested by the police. (DWU journalism student, December 19^th 2019) Additionally in another Post Courier article Guiness elaborated that the attack left one person dead and four missing which were feared to be dead and other four swam to safety when they were rescued. Jerry Sefe & Georgina Korei, December 18^th 2019) Thus, this are only some of the cases of sea piracy attacks from a vast number which is believed to be unreported to the police. There are various factors that contribute to the incidents of sea piracy in PNG today which will be elaborated in the next chapter.

Factors contributing to Sea Piracy in PNG

Outside Influence

On the other hand, PNG has no history of such illegal acts committed at sea because in the past our people used the seas as trade routes. Sea Piracy is an issue that arose in 2008 according to Cameroon Mamadeni (2020) who is from Milne Bay Province. The main cause of sea piracy is because of the Western influence and globalization. The integration of the influence from the outside world with our developing economy contribute to sea piracy attacks in the coastal areas. In the past, our ancestors had no access to mobile phones, TV, weapons or basically the influence of media. Pirates are likely to develop their mindsets by watching a movie about sea piracy, for example Pirates of the Caribbean. It is more like they can attract their skills and techniques of attack from what they watch and the availability of good network coverage nationwide enables pirates to communicate and plan an attack from anywhere. For example, in light to one of the cases in Milne Bay province the Fijian who was part of an incident reported that the pirates had a good network. This means that a pirate from Alotau contacted his gang about the boat that was travelling and it was easier for the pirates to intercept the boat with 13 passengers quickly at sea.

Developing Economy

In PNG there are many people who are unemployed which leads them to take part in criminal activities where sea piracy happens to be one of them. According to the National, the high unemployment rate in PNG causes many crimes. Obviously, when people have no job, they are looking for means and ways to survive in a way to satisfy their needs and wants. In relation with the case studies, the pirates are usually aimed at stealing the cargos that passengers carry. Similarly, the people travelling along the Highlands and Okuk highways face many road blocks where criminals steal cargos such as money and other valuables on gun point. According to the National, Pirates from Lae travelled to Northern province because of the increased betel-nut trade. Thus, the pirates are committing sea piracy as an opportunity to make money. During an interview with a pirate from Madang he when asked about why they commit sea piracy, he generously answered, “sea piracy is our only way to make money since there are no police to intercept and arrest us. Sometimes we kill the people who try to retaliate because we make a living out of committing the act of piracy.”

Poor Security Operations and Management

The sea has no house, no people living in it and no crops growing on it but it is just a huge area of open water. The fact that there is less monitoring by police patrol boats and other authorities makes it simpler for pirates to attack. The Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of PNG is 5,153km of coastline and 2.7 million square kilometers which puts the area vulnerable to international arms and drug smuggling and piracy. In order to minimize such activities regular maritime surveillance to enforce regulations and intercept and arrest offenders are needed but are not effectively carried out by responsible governing bodies. (Global Security.org 2020) According to Charles Yapuni (August 24, 2016) the water police unit lacked resources in combating sea piracy. There was no funding to the police department from the NEC due to several constraints. As a result, act of piracy was reported to be mostly occurring in the seas of Alotau, Morobe, Mandag and other maritime provinces. (Charles Yapumi, August 24, 2016) In an interview with one of the police officers at Jomba police station, when asked about his views on sea piracy in Madang and the what the police are doing to combat this issue in the province? He replied, “We have the man power but we need logistics, our heads are not funding sea piracy operations and we do not have full conditioned police boats to chase offenders. The two police boats need maintenance and have broken down which makes it difficult for the police to combat sea piracy.” Thus, from many other news articles, the concern of boats needed by the police to carry out operations and patrols were stated. According to police officer interviewed he mentioned raise an important question, “Why should we risk our lives to chase offenders when we do not have proper logistics?” In regards, this can be the mindset that other police officers of other maritime provinces have which now puts acts of piracy to increase regularly in the coastal provinces of PNG. Pirates use the weak spots of the police as an advantage to commit sea piracy in Miline Bay, Madang, Morobe and other coastal provinces of PNG. There are laws, strategies and policies in place to combat sea piracy but proves to be ineffective. These will be discussed in the next chapter.

Mintz, A., & DeRouen, K. R., 2010, ‘Understanding foreign policy decision making, pp. 121-129,    New York, Cambridge University Press, Retrieved from             https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/0c7a/42d12a3710ba23fea4459fa2515728d0683f.pdf

 Alex Mintz is currently the dean of Launder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy at IDC-Herzliya, Israel. The recipient of the Distinguished Scholar Award for distinguished contribution to the field from the Foreign Policy Analysis of the International Studies Association. He has published edited or co-edited nine books and is an author of multiple articles in top journals such as the American Political Science Review and American Journal of Political Science.

Karl DeRouen Jr. is a Professor of Political Science, Director of the International Studies Program and a college of Arts and Science Leadership Board Faculty Fellow at the University of Alabama. His works have appeared in a number of journals such as Journal of Politics, International Organizations, Journal of Peace research and so forth. He is currently working on Civil war related projects funded by the Folke Bernadotte Academy of Sweden and the Marsden Fund of New Zealand and a National Science Foundation funded project on negotiated settlements.

In the chapter of determinants in foreign policy decision making the authors focus mainly on the influence of international factors. According the authors, in an interactive setting adversaries and allies affect foreign policy decisions like the US foreign policy during the Georgian crisis in the summer of 2008 that was implemented in response to Russia’s actions in Georgia. The international factors that influence foreign policy decisions include arms race, deterrence, the regime type of adversary, strategic surprise and alliances.

The authors sought to target foreign policy makers and students of international relations who would one day be foreign policy decision makers in order for them to critically analyze and understand the various international factors that sways FPDM. For example, by understanding cognitive factors in regards to deterrence, foreign policy makers will avoid decisions such as Saddam Hussein misperceiving the US commitment to defend Kuwait.

The methodology used was by consulting works of various scholars such as Michael Wallace with his tinderbox and preparedness hypothesis to explain how arms races influence foreign policy decisions.

They further elaborate on the different international factors, firstly on how general deterrence and extended deterrence plays role in an anarchic international system. The authors then emphasize on arms races by defining them as competitive bouts of defense spending and military capability building between two states or coalitions like during the Cold War. The authors used Wallace’s hypothesis to provide explanations on how wars occur and why wars do not escalate in in terms of arms race. However, based on Diehl’s study the authors explained that arms race does not have any link with war. On the other hand, the authors used the Prisoners Dilemma to explicate how arms racing can keep on or to stop and cooperate. Another factor discussed was strategic surprise where an unexpected target is hit by force in an unexpected way at an unexpected time. For example, the famous 9/11 attacks on the US, that shifted US foreign policy to ‘either you with us or against us’. In terms of alliance the military is the most common form which was defined as agreement between signatory states that clarify what each will do in the event of armed aggression. For example, the leaders of Turkey and Greece were faced with decisions when invited to join the NATO alliance. The authors explained the three types of military alliances which are neutrality pact, commitment and defense pacts. Lastly, the authors described how the regime type of adversary becomes an influential factor when a state faces a decision during an international crisis. They provided the normative and structured models that explains democratic peace phenomenon.

The literature is essential in the unit Foreign Policy Analysis because it provides the international factors that influence foreign policy decision making along with descriptive explanations and the illustration of examples to justify statements or facts. The main limitation was the minor focus on deterrence and alliances.

The authors concluded that deterrence theory is understood through the rational lens. Arms race leads crisis that escalate to war and Game theory can be used to understand arms race. They can also be related to outbreak of war. When the adversary is a democracy, leaders of democracies eliminate the attack alternative because attacking another democracy would be viewed as a failure of foreign policy. The information is important for all the students of PNG Studies and International Relations students.  The vocabulary used was very simple and easy to understand.

Mintz, A., & DeRouen, K. R., 2010, ‘Understanding foreign policy decision making, pp. 18-37, 

New York, Cambridge University Press, Retrieved from   https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/0c7a/42d12a3710ba23fea4459fa2515728d0683f.pdf

 Alex Mintz is currently the dean of Launder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy at IDC-Herzliya, Israel. The recipient of the Distinguished Scholar Award for distinguished contribution to the field from the Foreign Policy Analysis of the International Studies Association. He has published edited or co-edited nine books and is an author of multiple articles in top journals such as the American Political Science Review and American Journal of Political Science.

Karl DeRouen Jr. is a Professor of Political Science, Director of the International Studies Program and a college of Arts and Science Leadership Board Faculty Fellow at the University of Alabama. His works have appeared in a number of journals such as Journal of Politics, International Organizations, Journal of Peace research and so forth. He is currently working on Civil war related projects funded by the Folke Bernadotte Academy of Sweden and the Marsden Fund of New Zealand and a National Science Foundation funded project on negotiated settlements.

In this chapter of the book both authors persist on with the types of decisions made at the three levels of analysis in foreign policy decision making. The three levels of FPDM however, differ from the three levels of analysis in international relations as they focus on the individual, state and system whilst in FPDM it is all about the leaders, groups and coalitions who make foreign policy decisions. The size and composition of the decision unit directly influence FPDM and the dynamics are applied differently by the leaders, groups or coalitions in the process of making foreign policy decisions.

The information shared is targeted towards students of International Relations who would one day be policy and decision makers so they would critically analyze the decisions of foreign policy at the three main levels. Subsequently, they would be in a right position to enforce the decisions for the benefit of their state and others by avoiding all means of conflicts.

The information shared was gained through methodological experiment and their personal knowledge. Meaning that, there were many other books, journal articles and reviews that were also consulted to gain data. Some of these sources were both these author’s works. The research carried out is tremendous.

The literature was focused on the constraints and components of FPDM that affect how leaders, groups and coalitions make decisions. The decision making environment consist of a set of decision alternatives, such as applying sanctions and decision criteria like diplomatic or military. The environmental factors that affect foreign policy decisions are time constraints, information constraints, ambiguity, familiarity, accountability, risk, stress, dynamic vs. static setting and interactive setting. The piece also elaborated on the information search patterns that policy makers utilize to perceive and access information. Thus, the way information is gathered, processed and framed affects foreign policy making. The wide variety of search patterns includes holistic vs. non-holistic, order sensitive vs. order insensitive, alternative based vs., dimension based searches, maximizing vs. satisficing and compensatory vs. non- compensatory search rules. Additionally the authors deeply specified the non-compensatory decision rules like the conjunctive, disjunctive, elimination by aspect and lexicographic that affect, foreign policy decisions as well.

The information share is vital to the unit I am studying, IR333 Foreign Policy Analysis because it focuses on the key areas of my study such as the levels of analysis and the factors that affect foreign policy making. Thus the literature equivalent information like the provision of the cases of Israel’s Foreign Policy Making by Coalition and Iceland’s Cod War which are foreign policies made by coalitions. Such can be related with how decisions are made at the system level of analysis in international relations.

The only limitation in the text was the author’s elaboration mainly on how decisions are made by coalitions and provided cases to justify firmly. Hence, the authors stated that there are many different avenues for exploring FPDM environment. The chapter outlined a number of them.

In conclusion both authors indicate that all these perspectives provide a rich tapestry for exploring how and why foreign policy decisions are made.

The work fits in perfectly to the discipline and course I am studying because in IR333 Foreign Policy Analysis we analyze decisions made at three levels of analysis, the factors that influence foreign policy making and other components.

Mintz, A., & DeRouen, K. R., 2010, ‘Understanding foreign policy decision making, pp. 15-18,  

New York, Cambridge University Press, Retrieved from   https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/0c7a/42d12a3710ba23fea4459fa2515728d0683f.pdf

 Alex Mintz is currently the dean of Launder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy at IDC-Herzliya, Israel. The recipient of the Distinguished Scholar Award for distinguished contribution to the field from the Foreign Policy Analysis of the International Studies Association. He has published edited or co-edited nine books and is an author of multiple articles in top journals such as the American Political Science Review and American Journal of Political Science.

Karl DeRouen Jr. is a Professor of Political Science, Director of the International Studies Program and a college of Arts and Science Leadership Board Faculty Fellow at the University of Alabama. His works have appeared in a number of journals such as Journal of Politics, International Organizations, Journal of Peace research and so forth. He is currently working on Civil war related projects funded by the Folke Bernadotte Academy of Sweden and the Marsden Fund of New Zealand and a National Science Foundation funded project on negotiated settlements.

In this chapter Mintz and DeRouen analyzed the decision making environment where the different types of decisions and levels of analysis in Foreign Policy Decision Making are discussed.  The authors described the different types of foreign policy decisions, the examples of these decisions, why and how each of these decisions is made. They also examined how these decisions are made at the three main levels of analysis: individual, group and coalition and the factors that influence the decision making unit to enforce the decisions.

The information shared is targeted towards students of International Relations who would one day be policy and decision makers so they would critically analyze the decisions of foreign policy at the three main levels. Subsequently, they would be in a right position to enforce the decisions for the benefit of their state and others by avoiding all means of conflicts.

The information shared was gained through methodological experiment and their personal knowledge. Meaning that, there were many other books, journal articles and reviews that were also consulted to gain data. Some of these sources were both these author’s works. The research carried out is tremendous.

The chapter is reliable for all students of international relations with the foreign policy decision making bodies of states and organizations.  It is reliable because of its emphasis was on indicating the different foreign policy decision types, which as: one-shot decisions, interactive decisions, sequential decisions, sequential-interactive decisions and group decisions including the unilateral, negotiated, structured and unstructured decisions. It also stated the holistic, heuristic and holistic decisions in FPDM made by individuals, groups and coalitions and the trade-offs faced by the decision making unit.

For instance single or one –slot decisions are described as decisions made interactively with other actors like the US decision not to invade Iraq in 1991 or its decision to invade Iraq in 2003. On the other hand, group decision making is argued as the complicated one as group members have different agendas, interests and preferences and preferences for ordering structures and policy options.  An example of a group decision is the decision by the UN Security Council group members. Hence, in order for one to make foreign policy decisions at different levels of analysis rationally, understanding and analyzing these decisions and their examples is equivalently essential.

The literature is important in the unit foreign policy analysis because it illustrates clearly the types of decisions made at the three levels of analysis that we have covered so far. It is relevant for my study as it provides a common understanding of the various types of foreign policy decision making made by the decision making unit. The provision of examples is significant towards analyzing the decisions made by Foreign Policy Decision Makers of states. For example, James Marape decision to shift PNGs focus on traditional economy can be classified as a single, unilateral and holistic foreign policy decision.

However the chapter was limited with descriptions with only few comparisons of the types of decisions. Thus the authors concluded that decision process and are shaped by who makes the decision. They also indicated the four stages of decision making process; intelligence, design, choice and implementation.

In my own perspective, I think the chapter is vastly useful as being a student studying foreign policy analysis. The descriptions, definitions and examples are indicated clearly and straight on point.

Mintz, A., & DeRouen, K. R,. 2010, ‘Understanding foreign policy decision making, pp. 1-11, New York, Cambridge University Press

In this book Mintz and DeRouen states the decision making approach in the study of foreign policy analysis. The essence of the approach as it explains the processes and outcomes of decisions made at the international stage as well as the decision dynamics. The provision of real world case studies where leaders of countries such as the US, Israel, New Zealand, Cuba, Iceland, United Kingdom and others decisions are exemplified.

The authors were both qualified professionals in many several fields such as International Relations, Political Science, Peace & Conflict and Psychology. The information shared was vastly through methodological experiment and their personal knowledge. There were many other books, journal articles and reviews that were also consulted to gain data. Some of these sources were both these author’s works. The research carried out is tremendous.

The emphasis of the literature was on the breaking down of Foreign Policy Decision Making into four main dimensions. The decision environment explains, the types of decisions, levels of analysis and biases in foreign policy decision making. The models of FPDM particularly emphasizes on the rational actor model and its alternatives such as Bureaucratic Politics. Moreover on the determinants of FPDM which are the psychological, international and domestic factors that influence or affect decision making, then the marketing of decisions such as the Marketing of the US Invasion of Grenada in 1983.

The book is very useful to my study in the unit IR333 Foreign Policy Analysis as the works in the literature obviously helps me to understand Foreign Policy Decision Making.  It gives a perspective based on theories, concepts and its respective case studies to justify the information given more clearly. The works explain twelve types of decisions made in the three levels of analysis. It gives a clear understanding of how the environment, psychological, international and domestic factors influence individuals, groups and coalitions to make any of the 12 decisions. It typifies prior examples like decision to attack Iraq, occupy Iraq, increase or decrease troop levels, whether to withdraw or stay and finally when the operation should end to illustrate sequential decision making and the case study of Israel’s Foreign Policy Making by Coalition. The others explained similarly and descriptions of the seventeen different types of biases such as the misperception of Saddam Hussein that led Iraq to Invade Kuwait on the perception that US would not intervene in the border dispute between Iraq and Kuwait. The outcomes of Saddam Hussein’s misperception, was Iraq’s economic crisis. There is also the case of US decision to invade Iraq in 2003 on the basis justified by the British Administration that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction and threatened the security of the Middle East and US. The case of New Zealand’s defiance of the United States and the ANZUS Treaty analyses the rational actor model where it showed that NZ decision to formulate the policy of preventing nuclear ship visits was irrational and the outcomes were depraved as such where NZ security was destabilized during the Cold War. The other five models of decision making explains Foreign Policy Decisions.

The main limitation of the book was straight focus on the decision making approaches in Foreign Policy Analysis.

Thus, the authors stated that foreign policy decision making is a complicated task made by individuals such as presidents, groups like congress and coalitions like in parliamentary democracies because foreign policy problems are deeply complex. It was indicated there is no single means of accessing and understanding FPDM and the overview will help set the stage for further integration of the different approaches to FPDM.

The book will be very useful in my research as being a student in International Relations but mainly the unit Foreign Policy Analysis. The unit is about critically analysing the foreign policy decisions made in the international system. A fair understanding of FPDM vastly fits in line with the research and will be very helpful particularly on decision making approaches. The authors put a tremendous effort and I would recommend this book for all PNG Studies & International Relations students in Divine Word University.